BCRW Resources

The Oregon Constitution was framed by a convention of 60 delegates chosen by the people. The convention met on the third Monday in August 1857 and adjourned on September 18 of the same year. On November 9, 1857, the Constitution was approved by the vote of the people of Oregon Territory. The Act of Congress admitting Oregon into the Union was approved February 14, 1859, and on that date the Constitution went into effect.

National

Declaration of Independence

Constitution of the United States

Bill of Rights (Amendments 1-10)

(Amendments 11-27)

Letters and Speeches

George Washington's Farewell Address

The Gettysburg Address

Of Interest

The Founding Fathers on Redistribution

Sequence: From Bondage to Liberty and Back to Bondage

The Difference Between Republicans & Democrats

28 Principles of Freedom

The 5000 Year Leap

The Mount Vernon Statement

Rules of Civility and Decent Behavior in Company and Conversation

The Fate of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence

Fate of the Signers

2010-06-20T23:26:00.000-07:00

The Signers of the Declaration of Independence

Have you ever wondered what happened to the 56 men who signed the Declaration of Independence?

Five signers were captured by the British as traitors, and tortured before they died.
Twelve had their homes ransacked and burned.
Two lost their sons serving in the Revolutionary Army; another had two sons captured.
Nine of the 56 fought and died from wounds or hardships of the Revolutionary War.
They signed and they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor.

What kind of men were they?

Twenty-four were lawyers and jurists. Eleven were merchants, nine were farmers and large plantation owners; men of means, well educated, but they signed the Declaration of Independence knowing full well that the penalty would be death if they were captured.

Carter Braxton of Virginia, a wealthy planter and trader, saw his ships swept from the seas by the British Navy. He sold his home and properties to pay his debts, and died in rags.

Thomas McKeam was so hounded by the British that he was forced to move his family almost constantly.. He served in the Congress without pay, and his family was kept in hiding. His possessions were taken from him, and poverty was his reward.

Vandals or soldiers looted the properties of Dillery, Hall, Clymer, Walton, Gwinnett, Heyward, Ruttledge, and Middleton.

At the battle of Yorktown, Thomas Nelson, Jr., noted that the British General Cornwallis had taken over the Nelson home for his headquarters. He quietly urged General George Washington to open fire. The home was destroyed, and Nelson died bankrupt.

Francis Lewis had his home and properties destroyed. The enemy jailed his wife, and she died within a few months.

John Hart was driven from his wife's bedside as she was dying. Their 13 children fled for their lives. His fields and his gristmill were laid to waste. For more than a year he lived in forests and caves, returning home to find his wife dead and his children vanished.

So, take a few minutes while enjoying your 4th of July holiday and silently thank these patriots. It's not much to ask for the price they paid.

Remember: freedom is never free!

Oregon State Senators & Representatives

2010-02-24T10:30:00.000-08:00

Oregon State Senators (Covering Benton County)

Sen. Frank Morse (R, SD-8)

Sen. Fred Girod (R, SD-9)

Sen. Brian Boquist (R, SD-12)

Oregon State Representatives (Covering Benton County)

Rep. Andy Olson (R, HD-15)

Rep. Sara Gelser (D, HD-16)

Rep. Jim Thompson (R, HD-23)

To look up contact information on State Legislators outside of Benton County, please visit the Oregon State Legislature's (Website)

Find Your Legislators

Write Your State Legislators

The Gettysburg Address

2010-02-01T22:30:00.000-08:00

President Abraham Lincoln
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. --Abraham Lincoln

On June 1, 1865, Senator Charles Sumner commented on what is now considered the most famous speech by President Abraham Lincoln. In his eulogy on the slain president, he called it a "monumental act." He said Lincoln was mistaken that "the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here." Rather, the Bostonian remarked, "The world noted at once what he said, and will never cease to remember it. The battle itself was less important than the speech."

George Washington's Farewell Address

2010-02-01T22:01:00.000-08:00

To the People of the United States
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:

1 The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

2 I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

3 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.

4 I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

5 The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

6 In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.

7 Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

8 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

9 The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

10 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

11 But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.

12 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

13 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

14 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

15 In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?

16 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.

17 All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests.

18 However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

19 Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

20 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.

21 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

22 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

23 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

24 It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

25 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

26 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

27 Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

28 It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?

29 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

30 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

31 Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?

32 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

36 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

37 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

38 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

39 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

40 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

41 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

42 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

43 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

44 How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

45 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

46 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

47 The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

48 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

49 The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

50 Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

51 Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

George Washington
United States - September 17, 1796
Source: The Independent Chronicle, September 26, 1796.

28 Principles of Freedom

2010-01-06T22:46:00.000-08:00

The only reliable basis for sound government and just human relations is Natural Law.
A free people cannot survive under a republican constitution unless they remain virtuous and morally strong.
The most promising method of securing a virtuous and morally stable people is to elect virtuous leaders.
Without religion the government of a free people cannot be maintained.
All things were created by God, therefore upon Him all mankind are equally dependent, and to Him they are equally responsible.
All men are created equal.
The proper role of government is to protect equal rights, not provide equal things.
Men are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.
To protect man's rights, God has revealed certain principles of divine law.
The God-given right to govern is vested in the sovereign authority of the whole people.
The majority of the people may alter or abolish a government which has become tyrannical.
The United States of America shall be a republic.
A constitution should be structured to permanently protect the people from the human frailties of their rulers.
Life and liberty are secure only so long as the right of property is secure.
The highest level of prosperity occurs when there is a free-market economy and a minimum of government regulations.
The government should be separated into three branches - legislative, executive, and judicial.
A system of checks and balances should be adopted to prevent the abuse of power.
The unalienable rights of the people are most likely to be preserved if the principles of government are set forth in a written constitution.
Only limited and carefully defined powers should be delegated to government, all others being retained in the people.
Efficiency and dispatch require government to operate according to the will of the majority, but constitutional provisions must be made to protect the rights of the minority.
Strong local self-government is the keystone to preserving human freedom.
A free people should be governed by law and not by the whims of men.
A free society cannot survive as a republic without a broad program of general education.
A free people will not survive unless they stay strong.
"Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations - entangling alliances with none."
The core unit which determines the strength of any society is the family; therefore, the government should foster and protect its integrity.
The burden of debt is as destructive to freedom as subjugation by conquest.
The United States has a manifest destiny to be an example and a blessing to the entire human race.

Source: Over 150 volumes of the Founding Fathers original writings, minutes, letters, biographies, etc. distilled in The Five Thousand Year Leap, by W. Cleon Skousen, Published by The National Center for Constitutional Studies, 1981.

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Oregon's U.S. Senators and Representatives

2009-10-23T17:36:00.000-07:00

Oregon's U.S. Senators

Sen. Jeff Merkley (D)

Sen. Ron Wyden (D)

Oregon's U.S. Congressmen (Benton County is located in the 4th and 5th districts)

Wu, David (D)

Walden, Greg (R)

Blumenauer, Earl (D)

DeFazio, Peter (D), Oregon, 4th - DC (202) 225-6416, Eugene (541) 465-6732

Schrader, Kurt (D), Oregon, 5th - DC (202) 225-5711, Salem (503) 588-9100

Additional Information

Find Your Legislators

U.S. Senate

U.S. House of Representatives

White House

BOOK: Back to Basics for the Republican Party

2009-10-23T05:04:00.000-07:00

Michael Zak is the author of Back to Basics for the Republican Party, the acclaimed history of the GOP from the civil rights perspective. From the first page of the book: "As you know, Democrats control most of the media, but they also write most of the history books, thereby controlling what even Republican activists think they know about our Party's glorious heritage."

Mr. Zak claims that Republicans squander political capital each time the anniversary of an important civil rights achievement goes by uncelebrated. Why is this? It is because the Republican Party has been the vanguard for the advancement of civil rights yet, over time, Republican's have let the Democrats define their party. Isn't it time that we rediscover our past so we, not they, can confidently and proudly define ourselves as we get back to basics? Visit Grand Old Partisan Blog and Know Your Republican Heritage for a taste of what you'll learn about the Republican Party, the people, and the events that have shaped our glorious party in Back to Basics for the Republican Party. From the book...

"The more we Republicans know about the history of our party, the more the Democrats will worry about the future of theirs."

Back to Basics for the Republican Party is available through the Benton County Republican Women for $20. Pick up your copy at Republican Headquarters, 1760 SW 3rd St. in Corvallis or through your favorite bookseller. Read more about Mr. Zak's book at www.republicanbasics.com. Mr. Zak can be contacted at grand_old_partisan@hotmail.com.

Photo of Mr. Zak by Paul Rentz, Corvallis, Oregon

BOOK: Set Up & Sold Out

2009-10-23T05:03:00.000-07:00

According to author, Holly Swanson, there is a tremendous amount of good that can result from the universal awareness of environmental issues and Americans should take continuous positive steps toward environmental excellence but she cautions, that Americans not allow themselves to be set up to be sold out by a radically oppressive, ideologically and politically motivated assortment of groups she refers to as “Greens”. She writes,

"The Greens are advancing their political plans disguised as progressive solutions to environmental protection. Greens plan to use fear of environmental doom to pass laws that will: control individual opportunities and actions; control business and; end private property rights."

"The Green plan calls for a complete social transformation that will erase our culture. The issue is, do we need to change everything about America to protect the environment for future generations?" Ms. Swanson reminds her readers of Aristotle's words: "All who have meditated on the art of governing mankind are convinced that the fate of empires depends on the education of youth." She then describes how radical green politics has become entrenched in America's school curiculum.

Do Green goals defy the U.S. Constitution? The author recommends these websites for further study: Earth Charter USA (read the Earth Charter), Green Party USA (see Platform) and Communist Party USA.

Holly Swanson is the founder and director of Operation Green Out! a campaign “to get green politics out in the open and out of the classroom.” To learn more about Operation Green Out! call 541-830-1446 or email greenout@earthlink.net.

Set Up & Sold Out is available through the Benton County Republican Women for $20. Pick up your copy at Republican Headquarters, 1760 SW 3rd St. in Corvallis or through your favorite bookseller.

Sequence: From Bondage to Liberty and Back to Bondage

2009-10-22T05:55:00.000-07:00

Via email:
In 1776, Representatives of the original thirteen colonies assembled and wrote the Declaration of Independence. With this document, our founding fathers proclaimed to the world that America was a democratic republic:

"We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

Ironically, that same year Alexander Fraser Tytler, a European historian published The Decline and Fall of the Athenian Republic. In his publication, Tytler reported that from his research he had determined the following:

"A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of government. It can only exist until the voters discover they can vote themselves largesse from the public treasury. From that moment on, the majority always votes for the candidates promising them the most benefits from the public treasury, with the result that a democracy always collapses over a loss of fiscal responsibility, always followed by a dictatorship. The average of the world's great civilizations before they decline has been 200 years. These nations have progressed in this sequence:

From bondage to spiritual faith,
From spiritual faith to great courage,
From courage to liberty,
From liberty to abundance,
From abundance to selfishness,
From selfishness to complacency,
From complacency to apathy,
From apathy to dependency,
From dependency back again to bondage."

Related:
The Truth About Tytler
From Apathy to Dependence to Bondage [See TODAY and GOING FORWARD]

Going Forward: "The immediate hope for America is for Americans to once again declare their independence of the elite despot ruling class. To accomplish this, YOU must make it crystal clear to all your elected representatives and officials, i.e. President, US Senators and Representatives, Governor, State Senators and Representatives, etc. that you hold them accountable for any/all socialistic legislation and actions that facilitate America's slide toward dependency and bondage. It is imperative that YOU make them believe that the consequence for ignoring your mandate is their removal from office at the first opportunity."

The Founding Fathers On Redistribution

2009-10-22T05:52:00.000-07:00

“To take from one, because it is thought his own industry and that of his fathers has acquired too much, in order to spare to others, who, or whose fathers, have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of association, the guarantee to everyone the free exercise of his industry and the fruits acquired by it.” — Thomas Jefferson, letter to Joseph Milligan, April 6, 1816

“A wise and frugal government… shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government.” — Thomas Jefferson, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801

“Congress has not unlimited powers to provide for the general welfare, but only those specifically enumerated.” — Thomas Jefferson

“The moment the idea is admitted into society that property is not as sacred as the laws of God, and that there is not a force of law and public justice to protect it, anarchy and tyranny commence. If ‘Thou shalt not covet’ and ‘Thou shalt not steal’ were not commandments of Heaven, they must be made inviolable precepts in every society before it can be civilized or made free.” — John Adams, A Defense of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, 1787

“With respect to the two words ‘general welfare,’ I have always regarded them as qualified by the detail of powers connected with them. To take them in a literal and unlimited sense would be a metamorphosis of the Constitution into a character which there is a host of proofs was not contemplated by its creators.” — James Madison in a letter to James Robertson

In 1794, when Congress appropriated $15,000 for relief of French refugees who fled from insurrection in San Domingo to Baltimore and Philadelphia, James Madison stood on the floor of the House to object saying:

“I cannot undertake to lay my finger on that article of the Constitution which granted a right to Congress of expending, on objects of benevolence, the money of their constituents.” — James Madison, 4 Annals of Congress 179, 1794

“[T]he government of the United States is a definite government, confined to specified objects. It is not like the state governments, whose powers are more general. Charity is no part of the legislative duty of the government.” — James Madison

“The Constitution only gives people the right to pursue happiness. You have to catch it yourself.” — Benjamin Franklin

Source: Sweetness & Light: The Founding Fathers On Redistribution
(Hat tip: Wallowa County GOP)

BCRW Bylaws (Revised 2005)

2009-10-22T04:14:00.000-07:00

BENTON COUNTY REPUBLICAN WOMEN BYLAWS

(Last revision date: 2005)

ARTICLE I: NAME

The name of this organization shall be the Benton County Republican Women (BCRW).

ARTICLE II: PURPOSE

The purpose of this organization shall be:

ARTICLE III: MEMBERSHIP

Sec. 1 Any registered Republican woman whose dues are current is eligible for membership.

Sec. 2 Associate membership is available to Republican men and women upon payment of dues which are $5.00 less than regular membership dues. Associates may attend meetings and serve on committees. They cannot vote, hold office or be counted in determining the number of delegates to the National Federation of Republican Women (NFRW).

Sec.3 All Committees shall report to the Executive Committee and to the club at the next regular meeting as ordered by the President.

ARTICLE IV: DUES AD FEES

Sec. 1 Dues and fees shall be set forth in the Standing Rules and in agreement with state and national requirements, to be voted and approved by the general membership.

Sec. 2 Dues are payable in January and delinquent in March of any fiscal year.

Sec. 3 The fiscal year of the club will be January 1 to December 31.

ARTICLE V: OFFICERS

Sec. 1 The officers of this club shall be a President, First Vice President, Second Vice President, Recording Secretary, Corresponding Secretary and Treasurer. Assistant officers may be elected as deemed advisable or necessary.

Sec. 2 Each officer of this club shall be a member in good standing.

Sec. 3 The officers of this club shall be elected biennially.

Sec. 4 In the event of a vacancy in an elective office said vacancy shall be filled by recommendation of the Executive Committee. Notice of such vacancy will be given to the general membership before the next meeting.

Sec. 5 Any office in this club shall be considered vacated if the officer is absent four consecutive executive meetings without an acceptable excuse.

Sec. 6 Term of office shall be two years. Maximum consecutive service in the same office is two terms.

ARTICLE VI: DUTIES OF THE PRESIDENT

Sec. 1 The President shall preside over all meetings of the general membership and the Executive Committee.

Sec. 2 The President will appoint such standing or other committees as deemed necessary. By virtue of her office, she shall be a member of all committees except the Nominating Committee.

Sec. 3 The President shall attend State and District meetings, with OFRW registration fees being paid by BCRW.

ARTICLE VII: DUTIES OF THE FIRST VICE PRESIDENT

Sec. 1 The First Vice President will perform the duties of the President in her absence.

Sec. 2 The First Vice President will serve as Chairman of the Membership Committee and be responsible for a current directory of membership.

Sec. 3 The First Vice President will act as chairman of the Program Committee.

Sec. 4 The First Vice President will be responsible for current nametags.

ARTICLE VIII: DUTIES OF THE SECOND VICE PRESIDENT

Sec. 1 The Second Vice President will act as Chairman of the Newsletter Committee.

Sec. 2 The Second Vice President will act as Chairman of the Public Relations Committee.

ARTICLE IX: DUTIES OF THE SECRETARIES

Sec. 1 The Recording Secretary will be the historian of the club, taking and distributing the minutes of all the meetings.

Sec. 2 The Recording Secretary will send notice of executive meetings, including copies of the minutes from the previous executive meeting to Executive Committee members, ten days prior to the meeting date.

Sec. 3 The Recording Secretary will provide minutes of the general membership [meeting] to the Newsletter Chairman within ten days after each general meeting.

Sec. 4 The Corresponding Secretary will be responsible for all club-related correspondence and for mailing the newsletter.

ARTICLE X: DUTIES OF THE TREASURER

Sec. 1 The Treasurer will receive all funds, deposit sums in the clubs’ bank account and disburse the checks necessary to cover club activities.

Sec. 2 The Treasurer will keep a membership ledger in which payment of dues shall be recorded and inform the Second Vice President (Membership Chairman) of any new members.

ARTICLE XI: MEETINGS

Sec. 1 The general meetings shall be the fourth Monday of the month unless otherwise stated.

Sec. 2 The club shall meet at lease seven times a year.

Sec. 3 At a general meeting, a quorum shall be ten members in good standing.

ARTICLE XII: EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Sec. 1 Members of the Executive Committee shall be the elected officers, the President, the First Vice President, the Second Vice President, the Secretary, the Treasurer and the immediate Past President. Officers and Assistant Officers will each have a vote on the Executive Committee.

Sec. 2 A Member-at-Large is to be elected by the general membership. The Member-at-Large will have a vote on the Executive Committee.

Sec. 3 The Executive Committee shall have the power to transact any necessary business between meetings, to make recommendations as to policies of the club and to advise the President.

Sec. 4 The Executive Committee shall recommend the annual Budget.

ARTICLE XIII: NOMINATIONS AND ELECTIONS

Sec. 1 A Nominating Committee of now fewer than three members shall be elected by the Executive Committee no later than January of odd years. The Chairman of the Nominating Committee will be from one of its members.

Sec. 2 The proposed slate of offers shall be presented in October at the general meeting after nominations from the floor have been entertained.

Sec. 3 The final slate of officers will be presented in the newsletter two weeks prior to the November meeting.

Sec. 4 Election of officers will be in November.

Sec. 5 New offices will be installed in December and take office in January.

Sec. 6 Where there is only one candidate for an office, election may be taken by voice count.

ARTICLE XIV: ENDORSEMENT OF CANDIDATES

No Republican candidate for public office (local, state or national) shall be endorsed or opposed by the President of the club or the Executive Board until after the primary election.

ARTICLE XV: STANDING COMMITTEES

Sec. 1 Such Standing Committee shall be created by the Executive Committee as deemed necessary to promote the objectives and to carry out the work of BCRW. They shall include the following:

Sec. 2 The President shall appoint Chairmen of all Standing Committees, except for Membership, Newsletter, Program, and Public Relations and Publicity, and any special committee chairman. These appointments shall be subject to the approval of the Executive Committee.

Sec. 3 All Committees shall report to the Executive Committee and to the club at the next regular meeting as ordered by the President.

ARTICLE XVI: AMENDMENTS

BCRW by-laws may be amended by a two-thirds vote of those in attendance at a regular meeting. Notice of the proposed amendment must be given to all members at least thirty days prior to the meeting.

ARTICLE XVII: BY-LAWS

BCRW adopts the State and National Federation By-laws and Standing Rules, and in the event of conflict, the State and National By-laws and Standing Rules will supersede the club By-laws.

ARTICLE XVIII: PARLIAMENTARY AUTHORITY

Robert’s Rules of Order, Newly Revised shall govern all proceedings not covered by the by-laws of the organization.

ARTICLE XIX: DISSOLUTION

BCRW may be dissolved by a two-thirds vote at any meeting, provided that notice of the dissolution has been submitted in writing at the previous meeting and has been sent to all members. In the event of dissolution, the Executive Committee shall after payments of all liabilities, distribute any remaining assets to the State Federation. No funds shall inure to the benefit of any member.

The Difference Between Repubicans & Democrats

2009-06-21T13:49:00.000-07:00

Republicans – Think government is best when smallest
Democrats – Think government should be all things to all people

Republicans – Respect liberty of the individual
Democrats – Take liberty from the individual and send it to Washington D.C

Republicans – Hold taxes lower to strengthen local government
Democrats – Raise taxes higher to strengthen Federal Government

Republicans – Believe that the best way to preserve world peace is through a powerful and prepared defense
Democrats – Cut America’s defense, relying on talk and good intentions to preserve world peace

Republicans – Believe the free enterprise system is the key to individual and national prosperity
Democrats – Stifle business, especially small business, with endless regulation, paperwork and red tape

Republicans – Believe in the importance of the traditional role of the family
Democrats – Democrats’ social programs hurt the traditional role of the family

Republicans – Involve local government in decision-making process for education
Democrats – Dictate more mandates from Federal and State government for education

Republicans - Believe the United States operates on a higher moral plane than countries led by dictators
Democrats - Blame America first for nearly every international crisis

--Author Unknown